The publication is reproduced in full below:
PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF S.J. RES. 33, JOINT RESOLUTION RELATING
TO INCREASING THE DEBT LIMIT
Mr. MORELLE. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 852 and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 852
Resolved, That upon adoption of this resolution it shall be in order to consider in the House the joint resolution (S.J. Res. 33) joint resolution relating to increasing the debt limit. All points of order against consideration of the joint resolution are waived. The joint resolution shall be considered as read. All points of order against provisions in the joint resolution are waived. The previous question shall be considered as ordered on the joint resolution and on any amendment thereto to final passage without intervening motion except: (1) one hour of debate equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on Ways and Means or their respective designees; and (2) one motion to commit.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York is recognized for 1 hour.
Mr. MORELLE. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Burgess), my distinguished colleague from the Rules Committee, pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
General Leave
Mr. MORELLE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
Mr. MORELLE. Mr. Speaker, today, the Rules Committee met and reported a rule, House Resolution 852, providing for consideration of S.J. Res. 33, a joint resolution relating to increasing the debt limit, under a closed rule. The rule provides for 1 hour of debate equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking member of the Committee on Ways and Means, or their designees, and provides one motion to commit.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to urge my colleagues to adopt the rule and support lifting the Nation's debt ceiling.
Failing to lift the debt ceiling and defaulting on our debt is not an option. If we do not act, a default could result in the loss of millions of jobs and $15 trillion in household wealth, according to nonpartisan Moody's Analytics economist Mark Zandi. Mr. Zandi has characterized a default as ``financial Armageddon,'' and JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon has gone even further, stating that a default ``could cause an immediate, literally cascading catastrophe of unbelievable proportions and damage America for 100 years.''
Earlier this year, a bipartisan group of former Treasury Secretaries wrote to Congress arguing that protecting U.S. creditworthiness is a
``sacrosanct responsibility.'' I couldn't agree more.
Let's be clear about what we are talking about here today. The debt limit is the total amount of money that the United States Government is authorized to borrow to meet its existing legal obligations, including Social Security and Medicare benefits, payments to veterans and servicemembers, and tax refunds. The debt limit does not authorize any new spending; it simply allows the government to pay its bills for obligations it has already incurred.
Mr. Speaker, much of this debt was accrued on a bipartisan basis. It includes emergency measures to combat the pandemic and increase defense spending. While many on the other side of the aisle have tried to tie raising the debt ceiling to our efforts to pass the President's agenda, it should be noted that 97 percent of the total national debt accrued before President Biden even took office.
Since 1960, Congress has acted 78 times to address the debt limit, 49 times under Republican Presidents and 29 times under Democratic Presidents. In the last 10 years, the debt limit has been addressed seven times on a bipartisan basis, including three times under the last administration, during which, I would like to remind my Republican colleagues, $7.8 trillion of the total national debt was incurred.
Arguments about raising the debt ceiling have become nonsensical. In the current discourse, both sides of the aisle have agreed to spend Federal dollars on important programs, but only one side of the aisle believes that we should actually fulfill our obligations to pay our creditors for those very same programs.
Mr. Speaker, if we choose not to honor our obligations to creditors, what message does that send to the American people and, frankly, the rest of the world? Everyday Americans pay their bills and honor their commitments. Why shouldn't we do the same?
Mr. Speaker, it is frankly outrageous to hold the position that we shouldn't be held to the same standard as families who work hard to find a way to pay their bills every day.
I urge my colleagues to support the rule and the underlying legislation to raise our Nation's debt ceiling, ensuring that America can continue to pay its bills and honor its obligations.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I thank Representative Morelle for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, this rule provides for consideration of S.J. Res. 33, a bill to raise the debt ceiling by $2.5 trillion.
The Federal debt limit began over 100 years ago, in 1917, and it has been required to be raised 100 times since then.
The problem isn't whether we should increase our debt limit; it is that we have to issue debt at all. Debts are issued to cover the difference between what you make and what you spend. When you spend more than you make, you have to find a way to pay for the spending.
We are in the middle of a spending spree. For the last 11 months, well over $1 trillion in taxpayer money was spent largely on partisan priorities, and more likely coming if the Democrats manage to get a final agreement on the Build Back Better Act or perhaps what more aptly might be described as a socialist spending scam.
On December 10, the Congressional Budget Office published an estimate of the Build Back Better Act, confirming the bill's true cost to be almost $5 trillion, $4.9 trillion, while adding $3 trillion in new debt.
Democrats claim the bill is paid for, but that is simply not true. Now, it is confirmed by independent analysis. Instead of zero dollars, the bill will create a carve-out for deducting State and local taxes that will add almost $250 billion to the deficit.
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It will protect so-called green companies from a new minimum tax and provide $12,500 tax credits for purchasing an electric vehicle so long as that vehicle is made using union labor.
The bill will also provide billions in benefits to the wealthy through the expanded child tax credit that will add over $1.5 trillion to the deficit if this policy is made permanent, and that is, of course, what is being pushed for in the Build Back Better Act.
Additionally, the $1 trillion infrastructure bill that the Democrats just ushered into law requires a $118 billion transfer from Treasury to the highway trust fund, which Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen has stated will occur tomorrow, December 15.
Republicans will not support raising the debt limit while Democrats push through trillions of dollars for purely partisan political spending, thereby depleting our Treasury not just for today but for generations to come.
Unfortunately, all this spending will only exacerbate the very high rate of inflation, inflation which has been crippling so many Americans and causing so much suffering in the last 11 months.
According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, in November, the Consumer Price Index rose by 0.8 percent, but 6.8 percent over the last 12 months. The most significant increase was in the energy sector, while prices went up for gas, food, shelter, and vehicles, among other things.
Here is the real bad news: We have only seen the tip of the iceberg when it comes to inflation. Likely, the inflation rates by March are going to be absolutely astonishing. And that is what happens when you push so many dollars out into an economy that has no way to absorb them.
Sure, 2 years ago we all voted for the CARES Act, a trillion dollars to rescue the country from the coronavirus. And then there was additional coronavirus relief passed in December. And then almost immediately another coronavirus bill in February, and then the transportation bill in September, and now the Build Back Better Act.
The economy simply cannot absorb those dollars that the Federal Government is pushing out. They have got no place to go except to create more and more inflation. And who does inflation hurt? It hurts those people at the lower end of the income scale.
Despite repeated encouragement from the Committee on the Budget Ranking Member Jason Smith and Senator McConnell, Democrats have refused to raise the debt ceiling through reconciliation, which of course is their right to do. They have majorities in both the House and the Senate.
They have had ample time to do this, but they simply would not act. So, instead, a temporary extension that would only last a couple of months happened earlier this year. And now, once again, in the middle of the night, we are having to vote on a bill to increase the national debt in order to pay for Democrats' social spending and infrastructure policies.
Democrats claim that raising the debt limit has always been bipartisan. But, you know, here is just a little bit of history: In 1993, the Democrats used reconciliation to raise the debt limit with a party-line vote in the omnibus budget reconciliation bill.
In 2010, the Democrats again raised the debt limit by $1.9 trillion with a purely party-line vote. Republicans voted in opposition out of concern for the then-Obama administration's amount of spending that was occurring. A New York Times article reporting on the vote said, ``They wanted to raise the ceiling enough to avoid putting their Members through another such vote before the midterm elections.''
Do you kind of get the sense that history is repeating itself tonight?
Financial success and financial longevity begins years before it is realized. We certainly cannot be reckless and feckless with the Nation's future now. Under no argument is this plan fiscally responsible. Under no fantasy is the Build Back Better Act paid for.
We have to remember to be beneficial to the American people, we have to be demonstrative of representative government. We should not be raising the debt limit to allow for continuation of partisan social spending.
Mr. Speaker, I urge opposition to the rule, and I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MORELLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Those who know me know I am not a very sophisticated guy, and they also know I am not a financial wizard; but I will tell you this: I would love to have a philosophical debate, maybe sit down, have a cup of coffee with the distinguished gentleman from Texas, and we might even find some common ground about what our practices ought to be relative to spending and taxing and all those things.
But to be clear, none of what Dr. Burgess just talked about has anything to do with what we are doing here today. Ninety-seven percent of the debt that we have incurred as a Nation happened before Joe Biden took office.
As for Build Back Better, which many on our side of the aisle are working to try to enact, that is something that is prospective. We are talking tonight about paying the bills of things that we have already agreed to pay for. It has absolutely nothing to do with it.
I appreciate the distinguished gentleman because he is trying to bring into this debate many things which have no relevance here, apparently to make a better case, but the truth is we have a decision before us that is a serious one. It not only affects the creditworthiness of the United States, but it affects global markets. This would be, as I indicated earlier, catastrophic. This is Armageddon if it doesn't happen.
Just to note, in 2016, prior to the election of the previous administration, the national debt was $19.5 trillion or 105 percent of GDP. In 2020, when the administration's time had run its course, the debt had risen to $27.7 trillion or 129 percent of GDP, a $7.8 trillion increase. Included in that was a $1.9 trillion tax cut, which hasn't paid for itself, which has added dramatically to the debt. But the debt has been accumulated during decades of real need by the American public.
So we could have a conversation; and, frankly, the discussion about spending takes place in the Appropriations Committee, it takes place in the Budget Committee, taxation takes place in the Ways and Means Committee. What we are doing now is making a decision to pay our bills. Fundamentally, bottom line. It doesn't require a whole lot of sophistication or talk about financial markets. It is clearly a simple question, are we going to pay for the things that we have agreed to buy, and that is it. It is as simple as can be.
Every household in America makes those decisions. You get something, you get a bill in the mail, you pay for it. Even if you have buyer's remorse, even if your wife says to you that fine exercise thing that you bought, which is going to be the most expensive coat hanger in the house because you are not going to use it, we still pay for it because it is in the house, and we bought it. That is as simple as it can possibly be.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, Republicans will amend the rule to immediately consider an amendment to the Democrats' fiscal year 2022 budget resolution to replace the socialist $5 trillion tax-and-spend reconciliation instructions with new instructions for authorizing committees to produce legislation to reduce the deficit to combat runaway inflation currently fueling the highest price spike in 40 years and to get Americans back to work.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of this amendment into the Record, along with extraneous material, immediately prior to the vote on the previous question.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Smith), the ranking member of the Budget Committee, to explain the amendment.
Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, we will consider an amendment to the rule to replace the socialist $5 trillion tax-and-spend reconciliation instructions from the fiscal year 2022 budget with a new call for committees to draft legislation to reduce the deficit, to combat runaway inflation and help get Americans back to work.
This country has been through a lot in the past year under one-party rule by the Washington Democrats and President Biden.
We have an inflation crisis; we have an energy crisis; we have a border crisis; and we have a supply chain crisis. Contributing to it all is a leadership crisis in the Oval Office.
With all of these problems, you would think Democrats would finish the year addressing just one--just one--of those issues.
But instead, Mr. Speaker, we are here on the last day of session for the year, and Democrats have chosen to spend this valuable time attacking former President Trump and his staff, attacking members of the Republican Conference, and they have even found room to include a
$2.5 trillion increase to the debt ceiling.
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In fact, since Speaker Pelosi took the gavel in the House in 2019, House Democrats have added more than $9 trillion--House Democrats since 2019 have added more than $9 trillion to the national debt, which is more than the combined deficits under all 72 years that Republicans have ever been in the majority.
The American people, Mr. Speaker, they deserve a Congress that is focused on the problems that they are facing in their everyday lives; a Congress that is delivering on policies to stop the runaway rise in prices, a problem that has now reached a 40-year high.
Even President Biden's budget in May predicted inflation at 2 percent, Mr. Speaker. We are now at over 7 percent, the highest inflation in 40 years.
The White House administration says that inflation is a high-class problem, Mr. Speaker. I will tell you, the people across America believe it is a real problem. They care about the prices in the grocery store. They don't care about the prices in the stock market.
But you know what, House Democrats argue and say inflation is transitory, yet now they are finally agreeing that these rising costs in prices are actually having a real impact.
We could be working on legislation to actually help American families by reducing the cost of energy during the winter.
To do that, we need to get rid of the reconciliation instructions in the Democrats' budget, the same reconciliation plan that has paralyzed Washington for months as Democrats fought over how to spend $5 trillion.
Even the Congressional Budget Office on Friday confirmed that what passed out of this Chamber a few weeks ago does not cost zero. It cost
$5 trillion.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I yield the gentleman an additional 2 minutes.
Mr. SMITH of Missouri. Mr. Speaker, the official congressional scorekeepers said on Friday that the build back broke bill that passed out of here a couple weeks ago did not cost $1.5 trillion, did not cost
$2 trillion, but cost $5 trillion. But this administration will say it costs zero.
The American people see right through it. They see right through this mess. And they know one thing. They know that this is nothing but hogwash. It is hogwash, Mr. Speaker. And we should instead replace all of these reconciliation instructions to bring forward a plan to reduce the deficit and stop the inflation that is destroying family budgets.
Mr. Speaker, I ask all my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to defeat the previous question, so that we can actually work on legislation to help American families at the supermarket, to help combat a price spike that is pushing working families to the brink and to actually provide some real solutions this week on behalf of the American people whom we represent in this body.
Mr. MORELLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I appreciate Mr. Smith's enthusiasm and exuberance. The arguments that folks would make that House Democrats are responsible for the spending of the Trump administration and the Trump White House, that argument is, frankly, absurd and happened during a global pandemic, so we had much work to do to spare the American public.
But I am going to do this: Moved by the spirit of the season, I am going bestow a gift on Members, and I am not going to rebut point by point but rather reserve the balance of my time and allow my colleague to speak.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Fallon).
Mr. FALLON. Mr. Speaker, if our friends across the aisle are concerned about paying our bills and they are alarmed by the debt, then I think we should all get together, all 435 Members, and talk about fiscal responsibility and pass a balanced budget amendment. That is the way forward and to avert this financial catastrophe that we are flirting with.
Let's be very candid, Mr. Speaker, about what we are doing here. Let's be candid with the American people about what we are doing here in this Chamber tonight.
This is about a debt ceiling limit increase to ram through more wasteful and reckless spending.
We are renovating our house in Texas, and I found an old political mailer, a 9-year-old mailer; and I was outraged about the fact that we had a $14 trillion debt. Today that is $29 trillion.
It is not about placing blame on Republicans or Democrats, it is about recognizing we have an issue that is going to destroy this country if we don't address it. And we continue to kick the can down the road and land that can on the backs of future generations like my 15-year-old son and my 12-year-old son.
There are failed states in this world. Here is a $100 trillion bill from the Nation of Zimbabwe. It is worth maybe 40 cents. It is essentially worthless. That could be what we end up with if we don't recognize the fact that at the local level cities can't spend more than they take in, counties can't, even States can't. So why does the Federal Government get to? Because we own a printing press down the street?
Let's be responsible. Let's work together. This Chamber 20-plus years ago passed a balanced budget amendment, if I am not mistaken, and it failed in the Senate. It is time to do the right thing, the courageous thing, the American thing, and pass a balanced budget amendment.
Mr. MORELLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I wonder, when the gentleman finished his home's renovations if he paid the contractor or refused to pay because he might be tempted to do renovations in the future.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, just before I close, I do want to take a moment and acknowledge that it was 1 year ago last night that the FedEx trucks departed from Kalamazoo, Michigan, carrying the very first doses of what we now know as the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine.
And when you stop and reflect upon what was accomplished between the middle of May and the middle of December of 2020, it truly was a startling scientific accomplishment; not one, not two, but three vaccines.
We told ourselves at the beginning of the Operation Warp Speed process that if we got 40 to 45 percent effectiveness, it would be a victory, and those vaccines delivered in excess of 90 percent. People might quibble and say, well, you have to get a booster or you have to get an additional shot. We are so fortunate to have those tools to be able to combat this illness.
We are by no means through, but then even just last week the additional news that now an oral medication, the so-called Tamiflu for coronavirus, is now available, which I submit is going to change with the application of additional therapeutics, is really going to change the equation, and I just wanted to take a minute and reflect on that.
We are, again, just one day past the 1-year anniversary of Kalamazoo, Michigan, delivering that vaccine to the world.
Otherwise in closing to this argument, raising the debt ceiling to
$2.5 trillion does seem a tad irresponsible in the middle of unprecedented spending by House Democrats. You have got control of the White House, you have got control of the Senate, you have got control of the House, and you haven't passed a single appropriations bill.
How are we supposed to run our business if we will not do our normal work and pass a budget and pass the 12 appropriations bills?
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The Federal Government is currently operating under the second continuing resolution of this fiscal year. One-third of Federal spending is done through discretionary appropriations. When you stop to think about it, that is really not much. That means two-thirds comes through on autopilot. But the amount that we actually tell ourselves we are going to control, the one-third of the Federal budget, we haven't done our work.
Now, we are talking about raising the debt limit to pay for trillions of dollars in spending, and the Democrats won't even fund the basic functions of government through regular appropriations. That actually comes at a cost. It is very difficult to get a phone call answered by a Federal agency, by the head of a Federal agency, by a Cabinet Secretary because we no longer make the appropriations.
These folks are relatively new on the job, within the last year. They have no history of knowing that they have to come to Congress to get their appropriations bills passed. So as a consequence, they basically ignore the Congress.
Democrats are desperate to push through as much social spending as they can because the balance of power, quite likely, is getting ready to change. Why else would they be so reckless in such a short amount of time with Americans' hard-earned taxpayer dollars? We cannot push inflation higher by raising the debt limit to allow for trillions in additional partisan spending.
Mr. Speaker, here is the real problem that is going to lead to that balance of power shift. It is inflation that is at levels that have not been seen since the Carter administration.
Again, my prediction is, over the next 6 months, this is going to become a great deal worse. It will be unsustainable for most American families who live paycheck to paycheck. Then on top of that, it is a spending level that is driving that inflation level. And we are doing nothing, nothing to put the brakes on that.
Mr. Speaker, again, I urge a ``no'' vote on the previous question so we can get to the talk for fiscal sanity and ``no'' on the underlying measure, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. MORELLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
First, let me echo Dr. Burgess' comments about the vaccine. I want to encourage every American to get that vaccine. We still have far too many people who have chosen not to get the vaccine and the third dose, for those who are eligible, under the messenger RNA, to do a third shot. But we encourage every single American to do it, and I want to make sure to repeat that. I join with my colleague in thanking those who made that possible.
Mr. Speaker, I also thank all of my colleagues for their work in support of the rule before us today. As I mentioned earlier, protecting U.S. creditworthiness is a sacred responsibility, and it would be an abdication of that sacred responsibility to fail to address the debt limit and ensure that the United States Government pays its bills.
We have heard a lot of rhetoric today, but we all know that the measure before us today is not about new spending. No matter how many times it is said, it is not about new spending.
We are acting today to ensure that America can pay its obligations that we have already agreed to incur. Pretending otherwise is a disservice to the American people.
Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``yes'' vote on the rule and the previous question.
The material previously referred to by Mr. Burgess is as follows:
Amendment to House Resolution 852
At the end of the resolution, add the following:
Sec. 2. The provisions of Senate Concurrent Resolution 14 shall continue to have force and effect for all purposes in the House, except with the following revisions:
(1) In title II--
(A) strike ``increase'' in each place it appears and insert
``decrease'';
(B) strike ``by not more than'' in each place it appears and insert ``by at least'';
(C) strike each dollar amount and insert ``$,100,000,000''; and
(D) strike ``September 15, 2021,'' in each place it appears and insert ``December 31, 2021,''.
(2) By adding at the end the following:
TITLE V--POLICY STATEMENT ON INFLATION AND RECONCILIATION
SEC. 501. POLICY STATEMENT ON INFLATION AND RECONCILIATION.
(a) Findings.--The House finds the following as it relates to the inflationary impact of the policies of the Democrat- controlled Congress and Biden Administration:
(1) President Biden's Fiscal Year 2022 budget request assumed inflation, under the Administration's policies, would amount to two percent in 2021, 2022, and over the next decade.
(2) Actual inflation under the Administration's policies has totaled more than three times these estimates.
(3) Since Joe Biden took office, inflation has increased at an annualized rate of more than seven percent, the highest level in 40 years.
(A) Gasoline prices have increased by 58 percent on an annualized basis.
(B) Household energy prices have increased by 13 percent on an annualized basis.
(C) Meat prices have increased by 14 percent on an annualized basis.
(D) According to the Congressional Budget Office,
`Inflation has eroded the purchasing power of families'.
(4) There is a clear link between the Democrats' reckless out-of-control deficit spending and the inflation crisis Americans currently face. After one year of Democrat control, House Democrats have passed $7.5 trillion in new spending-- more than the Federal Government has ever spent in any year in American history--$3 trillion of which has been enacted. This amounts to nearly $60,000 per American household. This includes Public Law 117-2, Public Law 117-58, and as confirmed by the Congressional Budget Office, the $5 trillion reckless reconciliation spending plan--the largest spending bill in United States history, and the direct product of the prior reconciliation instructions previously enacted.
(b) Policy on Halting Out-of-Control Deficient Spending and Promoting Policies To Address the Inflation Crisis.--It is the policy of this concurrent resolution to adopt reconciliation instructions that instruct authorizing committees to produce legislation to:
(1) Cut Washington spending to reduce the deficit and combat governmental fueled inflation.
(2) Address the crisis of rising prices currently facing American families by providing solutions to bring down the cost of goods and get more Americans back to work.
Sec 3. H.R. 5376 is laid on the table.
Mr. MORELLE. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on ordering the previous question.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution 8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 220, nays 212, not voting 1, as follows:
YEAS--220
Adams Aguilar Allred Auchincloss Axne Barragan Bass Beatty Bera Beyer Bishop (GA) Blumenauer Blunt Rochester Bonamici Bourdeaux Bowman Boyle, Brendan F. Brown (MD) Brown (OH) Brownley Bush Bustos Butterfield Carbajal Cardenas Carson Carter (LA) Cartwright Case Casten Castor (FL) Castro (TX) Chu Cicilline Clark (MA) Clarke (NY) Cleaver Clyburn Cohen Connolly Cooper Correa Costa Courtney Craig Crist Crow Cuellar Davids (KS) Davis, Danny K. Dean DeFazio DeGette DeLauro DelBene Delgado Demings DeSaulnier Deutch Dingell Doggett Doyle, Michael F. Escobar Eshoo Espaillat Evans Fletcher Foster Frankel, Lois Gallego Garamendi Garcia (IL) Garcia (TX) Golden Gomez Gonzalez, Vicente Gottheimer Green, Al (TX) Grijalva Harder (CA) Hayes Higgins (NY) Himes Horsford Houlahan Hoyer Huffman Jackson Lee Jacobs (CA) Jayapal Jeffries Johnson (GA) Johnson (TX) Jones Kahele Kaptur Keating Kelly (IL) Khanna Kildee Kilmer Kim (NJ) Kind Kirkpatrick Krishnamoorthi Kuster Lamb Langevin Larsen (WA) Larson (CT) Lawrence Lawson (FL) Lee (CA) Lee (NV) Leger Fernandez Levin (CA) Levin (MI) Lieu Lofgren Lowenthal Luria Lynch Malinowski Maloney, Carolyn B. Maloney, Sean Manning Matsui McBath McCollum McEachin McGovern McNerney Meeks Meng Mfume Moore (WI) Morelle Moulton Mrvan Murphy (FL) Nadler Napolitano Neal Neguse Newman Norcross O'Halleran Ocasio-Cortez Omar Pallone Panetta Pappas Pascrell Payne Perlmutter Peters Phillips Pingree Pocan Porter Pressley Price (NC) Quigley Raskin Rice (NY) Ross Roybal-Allard Ruiz Ruppersberger Rush Ryan Sanchez Sarbanes Scanlon Schakowsky Schiff Schneider Schrader Schrier Scott (VA) Scott, David Sewell Sherman Sherrill Sires Slotkin Smith (WA) Soto Spanberger Speier Stansbury Stanton Stevens Strickland Suozzi Swalwell Takano Thompson (CA) Thompson (MS) Titus Tlaib Tonko Torres (CA) Torres (NY) Trahan Trone Underwood Vargas Veasey Vela Velazquez Wasserman Schultz Waters Watson Coleman Welch Wexton Wild Williams (GA) Wilson (FL) Yarmuth
NAYS--212
Aderholt Allen Amodei Armstrong Arrington Babin Bacon Baird Balderson Banks Barr Bentz Bergman Bice (OK) Biggs Bilirakis Bishop (NC) Boebert Bost Brady Brooks Buchanan Buck Bucshon Budd Burchett Burgess Calvert Cammack Carey Carl Carter (GA) Carter (TX) Cawthorn Chabot Cheney Cline Cloud Clyde Cole Comer Crawford Crenshaw Curtis Davidson Davis, Rodney DesJarlais Diaz-Balart Donalds Duncan Dunn Ellzey Emmer Estes Fallon Feenstra Ferguson Fischbach Fitzgerald Fitzpatrick Fleischmann Fortenberry Foxx Franklin, C. Scott Fulcher Gaetz Gallagher Garbarino Garcia (CA) Gibbs Gimenez Gohmert Gonzales, Tony Gonzalez (OH) Good (VA) Gooden (TX) Gosar Granger Graves (LA) Graves (MO) Green (TN) Greene (GA) Griffith Grothman Guest Guthrie Hagedorn Harris Harshbarger Hartzler Hern Herrell Herrera Beutler Hice (GA) Hill Hinson Hollingsworth Hudson Huizenga Issa Jackson Jacobs (NY) Johnson (LA) Johnson (OH) Johnson (SD) Jordan Joyce (OH) Joyce (PA) Katko Keller Kelly (MS) Kelly (PA) Kim (CA) Kinzinger Kustoff LaHood LaMalfa Lamborn Latta LaTurner Lesko Letlow Long Loudermilk Lucas Luetkemeyer Mace Malliotakis Mann Massie Mast McCarthy McCaul McClain McClintock McHenry McKinley Meijer Meuser Miller (IL) Miller (WV) Miller-Meeks Moolenaar Mooney Moore (AL) Moore (UT) Mullin Murphy (NC) Nehls Newhouse Norman Nunes Obernolte Owens Palazzo Palmer Pence Perry Pfluger Posey Reed Reschenthaler Rice (SC) Rodgers (WA) Rogers (AL) Rogers (KY) Rose Rosendale Rouzer Roy Rutherford Salazar Scalise Schweikert Scott, Austin Sessions Simpson Smith (MO) Smith (NE) Smith (NJ) Smucker Spartz Stauber Steel Stefanik Steil Steube Stewart Taylor Tenney Thompson (PA) Tiffany Timmons Turner Upton Valadao Van Drew Van Duyne Wagner Walberg Walorski Waltz Weber (TX) Webster (FL) Wenstrup Westerman Williams (TX) Wilson (SC) Wittman Womack Young Zeldin
NOT VOTING--1
Higgins (LA)
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So the previous question was ordered.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Members Recorded Pursuant to House Resolution 8, 117th Congress
Amodei (Balderson) Armstrong (Johnson (SD)) Axne (Wild) Baird (Bucshon) Barragan (Beyer) Bass (Cicilline) Beatty (Blunt Rochester) Bera (Aguilar) Bilirakis (Fleischmann) Blumenauer (Beyer) Bonamici (Kuster) Bowman (Pocan) Boyle, Brendan F. (Evans) Brooks (Moore (AL)) Brownley (Kuster) Buchanan (Waltz) Butterfield (Kildee) Carl (Joyce (PA)) Calvert (Garcia (CA)) Cardenas (Gomez) Carter (TX) (Weber (TX)) Case (Correa) Cawthorn (McClain) Clark (MA) (Kuster) Cohen (Beyer) Cole (Lucas) Crist (Soto) Cuellar (Green (TX)) Curtis (Stewart) DeFazio (Brown (MD)) DelBene (Larsen (WA)) DeGette (Blunt Rochester) DeSaulnier (Beyer) Diaz-Balart (Burgess) Doggett (Raskin) Doyle, Michael F. (Evans) Escobar (Garcia (TX)) Espaillat (Correa) Fletcher (Raskin) Frankel, Lois (Kuster) Garamendi (Sherman) Gimenez (Cammack) Gohmert (Weber (TX)) Gonzalez, Vicente (Correa) Gosar (Boebert) Gottheimer (Sherrill) Granger (Arrington) Graves (MO) (Fleischmann) Green (TN) (Fleischmann) Grijalva (Stanton) Guthrie (Bucshon) Hagedorn (Moolenaar) Hartzler (DesJarlais) Hayes (Wild) Hern (Lucas) Herrera Beutler (Rice (SC)) Horsford (Carter (LA)) Huffman (Levin (CA)) Jacobs (CA) (Correa) Jacobs (NY) (Garbarino) Jackson (Van Duyne) Jayapal (Raskin) Johnson (TX) (Beyer) Jones (Craig) Joyce (OH) (Garbarino) Kahele (Mrvan) Katko (Meijer) Khanna (Connolly) Kilmer (Kildee) Kim (CA) (Gonzalez (OH)) Kinzinger (Meijer) Kirkpatrick (Pallone) Krishnamoorthi (Brown (MD)) LaHood (Wenstrup) Lamborn (Bacon) Lawson (FL) (Evans) Leger Fernandez (Gallego) Lesko (Joyce (PA)) Long (Banks) Loudermilk (Fleischmann) Lowenthal (Beyer) Luetkemeyer (McHenry) Maloney, Carolyn B. (Wasserman Schultz) Mast (Waltz) McCaul (Burgess) McEachin (Brown (MD)) Meng (Kuster) Meuser (Burgess) Miller (WV) (Van Duyne) Moore (UT) (Stewart) Moulton (Beyer) Nadler (Pallone) Napolitano (Correa) Neal (Beyer) Neguse (Perlmutter) Nehls (Fallon) Newman (Wild) Nunes (Garcia (CA)) Ocasio-Cortez (Garcia (IL)) O`Halleran (Stanton) Owens (Stewart) Pascrell (Pallone) Payne (Pallone) Peters (Kildee) Pingree (Kuster) Porter (Aguilar) Posey (Cammack) Price (NC) (Connolly) Reed (Rice (SC)) Reschenthaler (Burgess) Rodgers (WA) (Joyce (PA)) Roybal-Allard (Connolly) Ruiz (Aguilar) Ruppersberger (Aguilar) Rush (Quigley) Salazar (Cammack) Sanchez (Costa) Schrader (Correa) Sessions (Babin) Sewell (Cicilline) Simpson (Stewart) Sires (Pallone) Speier (Scanlon) Stansbury (Kuster) Stefanik (Burgess) Strickland (Schrier) Suozzi (Kildee) Swalwell (Gomez) Titus (Connolly) Tonko (Pallone) Torres (NY) (Cicilline) Trahan (McGovern) Trone (Brown (MD)) Underwood (Casten) Van Drew (Burgess) Vargas (Correa) Velazquez (Clarke (NY)) Wagner (McHenry) Walorski (Banks) Watson Coleman (Pallone) Welch (McGovern) Wilson (FL) (Brown (MD)) Wilson (SC) (Dunn) Zeldin (Timmons)
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the resolution.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. BURGESS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution 8, the yeas and nays are ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 220, nays 212, not voting 1, as follows:
YEAS--220
Adams Aguilar Allred Auchincloss Axne Barragan Bass Beatty Bera Beyer Bishop (GA) Blumenauer Blunt Rochester Bonamici Bourdeaux Bowman Boyle, Brendan F. Brown (MD) Brown (OH) Brownley Bush Bustos Butterfield Carbajal Cardenas Carson Carter (LA) Cartwright Case Casten Castor (FL) Castro (TX) Chu Cicilline Clark (MA) Clarke (NY) Cleaver Clyburn Cohen Connolly Cooper Correa Costa Courtney Craig Crist Crow Cuellar Davids (KS) Davis, Danny K. Dean DeFazio DeGette DeLauro DelBene Delgado Demings DeSaulnier Deutch Dingell Doggett Doyle, Michael F. Escobar Eshoo Espaillat Evans Fletcher Foster Frankel, Lois Gallego Garamendi Garcia (IL) Garcia (TX) Golden Gomez Gonzalez, Vicente Gottheimer Green, Al (TX) Grijalva Harder (CA) Hayes Higgins (NY) Himes Horsford Houlahan Hoyer Huffman Jackson Lee Jacobs (CA) Jayapal Jeffries Johnson (GA) Johnson (TX) Jones Kahele Kaptur Keating Kelly (IL) Khanna Kildee Kilmer Kim (NJ) Kind Kirkpatrick Krishnamoorthi Kuster Lamb Langevin Larsen (WA) Larson (CT) Lawrence Lawson (FL) Lee (CA) Lee (NV) Leger Fernandez Levin (CA) Levin (MI) Lieu Lofgren Lowenthal Luria Lynch Malinowski Maloney, Carolyn B. Maloney, Sean Manning Matsui McBath McCollum McEachin McGovern McNerney Meeks Meng Mfume Moore (WI) Morelle Moulton Mrvan Murphy (FL) Nadler Napolitano Neal Neguse Newman Norcross O'Halleran Ocasio-Cortez Omar Pallone Panetta Pappas Pascrell Payne Perlmutter Peters Phillips Pingree Pocan Porter Pressley Price (NC) Quigley Raskin Rice (NY) Ross Roybal-Allard Ruiz Ruppersberger Rush Ryan Sanchez Sarbanes Scanlon Schakowsky Schiff Schneider Schrader Schrier Scott (VA) Scott, David Sewell Sherman Sherrill Sires Slotkin Smith (WA) Soto Spanberger Speier Stansbury Stanton Stevens Strickland Suozzi Swalwell Takano Thompson (CA) Thompson (MS) Titus Tlaib Tonko Torres (CA) Torres (NY) Trahan Trone Underwood Vargas Veasey Vela Velazquez Wasserman Schultz Waters Watson Coleman Welch Wexton Wild Williams (GA) Wilson (FL) Yarmuth
NAYS--212
Aderholt Allen Amodei Armstrong Arrington Babin Bacon Baird Balderson Banks Barr Bentz Bergman Bice (OK) Biggs Bilirakis Bishop (NC) Boebert Bost Brady Brooks Buchanan Buck Bucshon Budd Burchett Burgess Calvert Cammack Carey Carl Carter (GA) Carter (TX) Cawthorn Chabot Cheney Cline Cloud Clyde Cole Comer Crawford Crenshaw Curtis Davidson Davis, Rodney DesJarlais Diaz-Balart Donalds Duncan Dunn Ellzey Emmer Estes Fallon Feenstra Ferguson Fischbach Fitzgerald Fitzpatrick Fleischmann Fortenberry Foxx Franklin, C. Scott Fulcher Gaetz Gallagher Garbarino Garcia (CA) Gibbs Gimenez Gohmert Gonzales, Tony Gonzalez (OH) Good (VA) Gooden (TX) Gosar Granger Graves (LA) Graves (MO) Green (TN) Greene (GA) Griffith Grothman Guest Guthrie Hagedorn Harris Harshbarger Hartzler Hern Herrell Herrera Beutler Hice (GA) Hill Hinson Hollingsworth Hudson Huizenga Issa Jackson Jacobs (NY) Johnson (LA) Johnson (OH) Johnson (SD) Jordan Joyce (OH) Joyce (PA) Katko Keller Kelly (MS) Kelly (PA) Kim (CA) Kinzinger Kustoff LaHood LaMalfa Lamborn Latta LaTurner Lesko Letlow Long Loudermilk Lucas Luetkemeyer Mace Malliotakis Mann Massie Mast McCarthy McCaul McClain McClintock McHenry McKinley Meijer Meuser Miller (IL) Miller (WV) Miller-Meeks Moolenaar Mooney Moore (AL) Moore (UT) Mullin Murphy (NC) Nehls Newhouse Norman Nunes Obernolte Owens Palazzo Palmer Pence Perry Pfluger Posey Reed Reschenthale Rice (SC) Rodgers (WA) Rogers (AL) Rogers (KY) Rose Rosendale Rouzer Roy Rutherford Salazar Scalise Schweikert Scott, Austin Sessions Simpson Smith (MO) Smith (NE) Smith (NJ) Smucker Spartz Stauber Steel Stefanik Steil Steube Stewart Taylor Tenney Thompson (PA) Tiffany Timmons Turner Upton Valadao Van Drew Van Duyne Wagner Walberg Walorski Waltz Weber (TX) Webster (FL) Wenstrup Westerman Williams (TX) Wilson (SC) Wittman Womack Young Zeldin
NOT VOTING--1
Higgins (LA)
{time} 2236
So the resolution was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
members recorded pursuant to house resolution 8, 117th congress
Amodei (Balderson)
Armstrong (Johnson (SD)
Axne (Wild)
Baird (Bucshon)
Barragan (Beyer)
Bass (Cicilline)
Beatty (Blunt Rochester)
Bera (Aguilar)
Bilirakis (Fleischmann)
Blumenauer (Beyer)
Bonamici (Kuster)
Bowman (Pocan)
Boyle, Brendan F. (Evans)
Brooks (Moore (AL))
Brownley (Kuster)
Buchanan (Waltz)
Butterfield (Kildee)
Carl (Joyce (PA))
Calvert (Garcia (CA))
Cardenas (Gomez)
Carter (TX) (Weber (TX))
Case (Correa)
Cawthorn (McClain)
Clark (MA) (Kuster)
Cohen (Beyer)
Cole (Lucas)
Crist (Soto)
Cuellar (Green (TX))
Curtis (Stewart)
DeFazio (Brown (MD))
DelBene (Larsen (WA))
DeGette (Blunt Rochester)
DeSaulnier (Beyer)
Diaz-Balart (Burgess)
Doggett (Raskin)
Doyle, Michael F. (Evans)
Escobar (Garcia (TX))
Espaillat (Correa)
Fletcher (Raskin)
Frankel, Lois (Kuster)
Garamendi (Sherman)
Gimenez (Cammack)
Gohmert (Weber (TX))
Gonzalez, Vicente (Correa)
Gosar (Boebert)
Gottheimer (Sherrill)
Granger (Arrington)
Graves (MO) (Fleischmann)
Green (TN) (Fleischmann)
Grijalva (Stanton)
Guthrie (Bucshon)
Hagedorn (Moolenaar)
Hartzler (DesJarlais)
Hayes (Wild)
Hern (Lucas)
Herrera Beutler (Rice (SC))
Horsford (Carter (LA))
Huffman (Levin (CA))
Jacobs (CA) (Correa)
Jacobs (NY) (Garbarino)
Jackson (Van Duyne)
Jayapal (Raskin)
Johnson (TX) (Beyer)
Jones (Craig)
Joyce (OH) (Garbarino)
Kahele (Mrvan)
Katko (Meijer)
Khanna (Connolly)
Kilmer (Kildee)
Kim (CA) (Gonzalez (OH))
Kinzinger (Meijer)
Kirkpatrick (Pallone)
Krishnamoorthi (Brown (MD))
LaHood (Wenstrup)
Lamborn (Bacon)
Lawson (FL) (Evans)
Leger Fernandez (Gallego)
Lesko (Joyce (PA))
Long (Banks)
Loudermilk (Fleischmann)
Lowenthal (Beyer)
Luetkemeyer (McHenry)
Maloney, Carolyn B. (Wasserman Schultz)
Mast (Waltz)
McCaul (Burgess)
McEachin (Brown (MD))
Meng (Kuster)
Meuser (Burgess)
Miller (WV) (Van Duyne)
Moore (UT) (Stewart)
Moulton (Beyer)
Nadler (Pallone)
Napolitano (Correa)
Neal (Beyer)
Neguse (Perlmutter)
Nehls (Fallon)
Newman (Wild)
Nunes (Garcia (CA))
Ocasio-Cortez (Garcia (IL))
O'Halleran (Stanton)
Owens (Stewart)
Pascrell (Pallone)
Payne (Pallone)
Peters (Kildee)
Pingree (Kuster)
Porter (Aguilar)
Posey (Cammack)
Price (NC) (Connolly)
Reed (Rice (SC))
Reschenthaler (Burgess)
Rodgers (WA) (Joyce (PA))
Roybal-Allard (Connolly)
Ruiz (Aguilar)
Ruppersberger (Aguilar)
Rush (Quigley)
Salazar (Cammack)
Sanchez (Costa)
Schrader (Correa)
Sessions (Babin)
Sewell (Cicilline)
Simpson (Stewart)
Sires (Pallone)
Speier (Scanlon)
Stansbury (Kuster)
Stefanik (Burgess)
Strickland (Schrier)
Suozzi (Kildee)
Swalwell (Gomez)
Titus (Connolly)
Tonko (Pallone)
Torres (NY) (Cicilline)
Trahan (McGovern)
Trone (Brown (MD))
Underwood (Casten)
Van Drew (Burgess)
Vargas (Correa)
Velazquez (Clarke (NY))
Wagner (McHenry)
Walorski (Banks)
Watson Coleman (Pallone)
Welch (McGovern)
Wilson (FL) (Brown (MD))
Wilson (SC) (Dunn)
Zeldin (Timmons)
____________________
SOURCE: Congressional Record Vol. 167, No. 215
The Congressional Record is a unique source of public documentation. It started in 1873, documenting nearly all the major and minor policies being discussed and debated.
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